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It’s a blessing for this troubled nation that the semiquincentennial of its wrestle for independence is upon it. Certainly, some notable anniversaries have already slipped by: In September 1774, delegates from Suffolk County, Massachusetts, authorised a set of resolves rejecting Parliament’s authority, which had been then endorsed by the primary Continental Congress. In November of that 12 months, the provincial Congress of Massachusetts approved the enlistment of 12,000 troops. Others lie simply forward: In a month, People will observe the 250th anniversary of the battles of Lexington and Harmony.
The semiquincentennial affords not only a diversion from present politics or a chance to reassert American unity at a time of disharmony, but in addition a second to mirror on the character of the women and men who made america out of a set of fractious colonies. That thought occurred to me lately as I attended my ultimate assembly of the Board of Trustees of Fort Ticonderoga, of which I’ve been half for almost a decade.
Fort Ti, for many who have no idea it, sits on the spit of land between Lake George and Lake Champlain in upstate New York. The small fort is a gem, surrounded by mountains, lovingly restored and preserved as a personal establishment. Its management has grown its museum to now embody the best assortment of 18th-century militaria in america, if not the world. Tens of hundreds go to yearly.
Constructed by the French in 1755 as a base of operations towards the British colonies, Fort Ticonderoga witnessed sieges, skirmishes, raids, and ambushes, first within the Seven Years’ Warfare after which within the American struggle for independence. Since then, presidents have visited repeatedly. Writers too: Nathaniel Hawthorne wrote a well-known essay about his visits there with a lately graduated, good younger engineer, who might have been none apart from Robert E. Lee: “The younger West Pointer, along with his lectures on ravelins, counterscarps, angles, and coated methods, made it an affair of brick and mortar and hewn stone, organized on sure common ideas, having an excellent deal to do with arithmetic however nothing in any respect with poetry.”
My favourite artifact within the museum is a modest factor—a knapsack that belonged to a soldier named Benjamin Warner. He hooked up a notice to it:
This Napsack I caryd By means of the Warfare of the Revolution to attain the American Independence. I Transmit it to my olest sone Benjamin Warner Jr. with instructions to maintain it and transmit it to his oldest sone and so forth to the newest posterity and while one shred of it shall stay by no means give up you libertys to a foren envador or an aspiring demegog. Benjamin Warner Ticonderoga March 27, 1837.
Warner’s orthography might have been unsure, however his values weren’t, and I usually consider that warning—about international invaders, sure, but in addition aspiring demagogues.
Loads of folks stored their heads down in the course of the Revolution. John Adams famously mentioned that he thought a 3rd of People on the time had been in favor, a 3rd opposed, and a 3rd impartial. These percentages could also be off: That center group—hoping, like most individuals, merely to get on—might have been bigger. After which there have been those that had second ideas—Benedict Arnold most notably, however many others as nicely, from statesmen resembling Joseph Galloway to extra peculiar souls caught within the center.
However the tone was set by these like John Morton, a signer of the Declaration who accepted that “that is placing the Halter about our Necks, & we might as nicely die by the Sword as be grasp’d like Rebels.” Specifically, the gentry management of the Revolution knew, from the report of how Britain had handled rebels in Eire and Scotland, that they might face lack of their dwelling, their freedom, and presumably their life. When Thomas Jefferson ended the Declaration with the phrases “we mutually pledge to one another our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor,” he was not kidding.
Benjamin Warner was not of the gentry, although; he was a mere farmer. He led a protracted life, from 1757 to 1846. His tombstone, in a cemetery in Crown Level, New York, has a easy epitaph: “A revolutionary soldier & a good friend to the Slave.” One might solely suppose what that final phrase meant, provided that New York was on the Underground Railroad.
Warner was a kind of troopers who served repeatedly from 1775 to 1780, becoming a member of one regiment after which one other, marching to Quebec, combating within the Battle of Lengthy Island and in New Jersey. In between campaigns, presumably, he took care of the farm. Past that, and his knapsack, we have no idea a lot, apart from that he noticed his obligation, did it, went dwelling, and did it once more. There doesn’t appear a lot flash about him, however he knew what he was combating for, and what he would willingly struggle towards.
He has one thing to show us. People see earlier than them the unedifying spectacle of their representatives being too fearful to convene city halls the place they may both be criticized or, worse, be compelled to defend a president who they know is damaging the nation each day. We now have senators who knowingly confirmed untrustworthy and unqualified people to a very powerful national-security jobs within the nation as a result of they feared the wrath of President Donald Trump’s base. We see intellectuals speaking about fleeing the nation or truly doing so not as a result of they’ve been persecuted in any method, however due to a foreboding environment. We now have previously nice regulation corporations resembling Paul Weiss groveling to an administration that has threatened them, and providing up tens of tens of millions of {dollars} of free companies in assist of its beliefs slightly than stand in protection of the proper of unpopular folks to be represented in a courtroom of regulation.
There’s a title for this: cowardice. It’s not an unusual failing, to make sure, however thus far, at any fee, it appears unaccompanied by disgrace, though remorse might finally come. Cowardice is, at any occasion, a top quality that one suspects the figures who received us independence would have despised of their descendants, who’ve had a relatively simple lot in life. Maybe the collection of 250th anniversaries will trigger a few of us, at the least, to get past the historic clichés and consider the farewells to households, the dysentery and smallpox, the brutal killing and maiming on 18th-century battlefields, and the bloody footprints within the snow.
Above all, we must always take away from the commemorations earlier than us a celebration much less of heroism than of unassuming braveness. Now, and for some years to return, we are going to want lots much less Paul Weiss, and much more Benjamin Warner.
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